THE ENEMY BELLIGERENT INTERROGATION, DETENTION, AND PROSECUTION ACT OF 2010
Statement by Sovereignthink
STATEMENT BY SENATOR McCAIN ON THE ENEMY BELLIGERENT INTERROGATION, DETENTION, AND PROSECUTION ACT OF 2010
March 4, 2010
Mr. President, I rise to introduce legislation that sets forth a clear, comprehensive policy for the detention, interrogation and trial of enemy belligerents who are suspected of engaging in hostilities against the United States. This legislation seeks to ensure that the mistakes made during the apprehension of the Christmas Day bomber, such as reading him a Miranda warning, will never happen again and put Americans’ security at risk.
Specifically, this bill would require unprivileged enemy belligerents suspected of engaging in hostilities against the U.S. to be held in military custody and interrogated for their intelligence value by a “high value detainee” interagency team established by the President. This interagency team of experts in national security, terrorism, intelligence, interrogation and law enforcement will have the protection of U.S. civilians and civilian facilities as their paramount responsibility and experience in gaining actionable intelligence from high value detainees.
These experts must, to the extent it is possible to do so, make a preliminary determination whether the detainee is an unprivileged enemy belligerent within 48 hours of a detainee being taken into custody. The experts then must submit their determination to the Secretary of Defense and the Attorney General after consultation with the Director of National Intelligence, the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. The Secretary of Defense and the Attorney General make a final determination and report it to the President and the appropriate committees of Congress. In the case of any disagreement between the Secretary of Defense and the Attorney General, the President will make the final call.
A key provision of this bill is that it would prohibit a suspected enemy belligerent from being provided with a Miranda warning and being told he has a right to a lawyer and a right to refuse to cooperate. I believe that an overwhelming majority of Americans agree that when we capture a terrorist who is suspected of carrying out or planning an attack intended to kill hundreds if not thousands of innocent civilians, our focus must be on gaining all the information possible to prevent that attack or any that may follow from occurring. Under these circumstances, actionable intelligence must be our highest priority and criminal prosecution must be secondary.
Additionally, the legislation would authorize detention of enemy belligerents without criminal charges for the duration of the hostilities consistent with standards under the law of war which have been recognized by the Supreme Court. Importantly, if a decision is made to hold a criminal trial after the necessary intelligence information is obtained, the bill mandates trial by military commission where we are best able to protect U.S. national security interests, including sensitive classified sources and methods, as well as the place and the people involved in the trial itself.
Mr. President, it should come as no comfort to any American that nearly eight and a half years after the attacks of 9/11 we still don’t have a clear mechanism, legal structure, and implementing policy for dealing with terrorists who we capture in the act of trying to bring about attacks on the United States and our national security interests at home and abroad. What we saw with the Christmas Day bomber was a series of missteps and staggering failures in coordination among the most senior members of the Administration’s national security officials that have continued to be compounded by Administration apologists who still don’t seem to understand that repeating the same mistakes that were made in 2001 and 2002 is going to lead to the deaths of many more Americans.
The vast majority of Americans understand that what happened with the Christmas Day bomber was a near catastrophe that was only prevented by sheer luck and the courage of a few of the passengers and crew. A wide majority of Americans also realize that allowing a terrorist to be interrogated for only 50 minutes before he is given a Miranda warning and told he can obtain a lawyer and stop cooperating is not sufficient.
Let me be clear about where I think the fault lies with our current policy. I believe that the local FBI agents who were involved with investigating the Detroit attack are patriotic Americans who are experts in the field of law enforcement. I hold the FBI in the highest regard and believe they set the standard for law enforcement professionalism not only in the U.S., but internationally. But it is impossible for FBI field agents to know all the information that is available to the U.S. intelligence community worldwide during the first 50 minutes of interrogation of a suspected terrorist. We must ensure that the broad range of expertise that is available within our government is brought to bear on such high-value detainees. This bill mandates such coordination and places the proper focus on getting intelligence to stop an attack, rather than allowing law enforcement and preparing a case for a civilian criminal trial to drive our response.
Mr. President, deliberate mass attacks that intentionally target hundreds of innocent civilians are an act of war and should not be dealt with in the same manner as a robbery. We must recognize the difference. If we don’t, our response will be hopelessly inadequate. We should not be providing suspected terrorists with Miranda warnings and defense lawyers. Instead, the priority and focus must be on isolating and neutralizing the immediate threat and collecting intelligence to prevent another attack.
In closing, let me say that I hope that Congress and the Administration support this legislation as part of a comprehensive solution for detaining, interrogating and prosecuting suspected enemy belligerents. However, there is a lot more work that must be done. I am continuing to work with Senator Graham, Senator Lieberman, and others to address other crucial aspects of detainee policy.
As part of that effort, I believe we must establish a system for long-term detention of terrorists who are too dangerous to release, but who cannot be tried in a civilian court. While the law of war authorizes detention until the end of hostilities–something the Supreme Court has recognized and which is reinforced in this bill–I believe that a review system for the long-term detention of detainees should be set out in law. Additionally, both the United States District Court for the District of Columbia and the D.C. Circuit Court have urged Congress to provide uniform guidelines to apply in the habeas corpus cases that have been brought by detainees. Currently, the outcomes in the Guantanamo detainee habeas cases are inconsistent because of different interpretations of novel questions of law the judges face in applying habeas to wartime prisoners for the first time in our history. I will continue to work on a bipartisan basis to improve this process to obtain better, more uniform results. I do not believe that we will have addressed all the necessary detainee policy challenges until we do so, and my efforts will not stop until we have addressed all the detainee issues in a comprehensive fashion.
While other detainee policy challenges remain, I believe the handling of the Christmas Day bomber – including the law enforcement focus and the decision to read a Miranda warning after only 50 minutes of interrogation– demand that Congress and the Administration first address the issue which is most crucial to our national security. For that reason, we must have a clear policy, legal foundation, and mechanism for the detention, interrogation and trial of enemy belligerents who are suspected of engaging in hostilities against the United States. I hope my colleagues will join me in supporting this important legislation.
ARM10090 S.L.C.
111TH CONGRESS
2D SESSION S. ll
To provide for the interrogation and detention of enemy belligerents who
commit hostile acts against the United States, to establish certain limitations
on the prosecution of such belligerents for such acts, and for
other purposes.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
llllllllll
Mr. MCCAIN introduced the following bill; which was read twice and referred
to the Committee on llllllllll
A BILL
To provide for the interrogation and detention of enemy
belligerents who commit hostile acts against the United
States, to establish certain limitations on the prosecution
of such belligerents for such acts, and for other purposes.
1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa2
tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
4 This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Enemy Belligerent In5
terrogation, Detention, and Prosecution Act of 2010’’.
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
2
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1 SEC. 2. PLACEMENT OF SUSPECTED UNPRIVILEGED ENEMY
2 BELLIGERENTS IN MILITARY CUSTODY.
3 (a) MILITARY CUSTODY REQUIREMENT.—Whenever
4 within the United States, its territories, and possessions,
5 or outside the territorial limits of the United States, an
6 individual is captured or otherwise comes into the custody
7 or under the effective control of the United States who
8 is suspected of engaging in hostilities against the United
9 States or its coalition partners through an act of ter10
rorism, or by other means in violation of the laws of war,
11 or of purposely and materially supporting such hostilities,
12 and who may be an unprivileged enemy belligerent, the
13 individual shall be placed in military custody for purposes
14 of initial interrogation and determination of status in ac15
cordance with the provisions of this Act.
16 (b) REASONABLE DELAY FOR INTELLIGENCE AC17
TIVITIES.—An individual who may be an unprivileged
18 enemy belligerent and who is initially captured or other19
wise comes into the custody or under the effective control
20 of the United States by an intelligence agency of the
21 United States may be held, interrogated, or transported
22 by the intelligence agency and placed into military custody
23 for purposes of this Act if retained by the United States
24 within a reasonable time after the capture or coming into
25 the custody or effective control by the intelligence agency,
26 giving due consideration to operational needs and require-
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
3
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1 ments to avoid compromise or disclosure of an intelligence
2 mission or intelligence sources or methods.
3 SEC. 3. INTERROGATION AND DETERMINATION OF STATUS
4 OF SUSPECTED UNPRIVILEGED ENEMY BEL5
LIGERENTS.
6 (a) ESTABLISHMENT OF INTERROGATION GROUPS.—
7 (1) ESTABLISHMENT AUTHORIZED.—The Presi8
dent is authorized to establish an interagency team
9 for purposes as follows:
10 (A) To interrogate under subsection (b) in11
dividuals placed in military custody under sec12
tion 2.
13 (B) To make under subsection (c)(1) a
14 preliminary determination of the status of indi15
viduals described in section 2.
16 (2) COMPOSITION.—Each interagency team
17 under this subsection shall be composed of such per18
sonnel of the Executive Branch having expertise in
19 matters relating to national security, terrorism, in20
telligence, interrogation, or law enforcement as the
21 President considers appropriate. The members of
22 any particular interagency team may vary depending
23 on the skills most relevant to a particular case.
24 (3) DESIGNATIONS.—
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4
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1 (A) HIGH-VALUE DETAINEE.—An indi2
vidual placed in military custody under section
3 2 shall, while subject to interrogation and de4
termination of status under this section, be re5
ferred to as a ‘‘high-value detainee’’ if the indi6
vidual meets the criteria for treatment as such
7 established in the regulations required by sub8
section (d).
9 (B) HIGH-VALUE DETAINEE INTERROGA10
TION GROUP.—An interagency team established
11 under this subsection shall be known as a
12 ‘‘high-value detainee interrogation group’’.
13 (b) INTERROGATIONS.—
14 (1) INTERROGATIONS TO BE CONDUCTED BY
15 HIGH-VALUE DETAINEE INTERROGATION GROUP.—A
16 high-value detainee interrogation group established
17 under this section shall conduct the interrogations of
18 each high-value detainee.
19 (2) UTILIZATION OF OTHER PERSONNEL.—A
20 high-value detainee interrogation group may utilize
21 military and intelligence personnel, and Federal,
22 State, and local law enforcement personnel, in con23
ducting interrogations of a high-value detainee. The
24 utilization of such personnel for the interrogation of
25 a detainee shall not alter the responsibility of the in-
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
5
ARM10090 S.L.C.
1 terrogation group for the coordination within the
2 Executive Branch of the interrogation of the de3
tainee or the determination of status and disposition
4 of the detainee under this Act.
5 (3) INAPPLICABILITY OF CERTAIN STATEMENT
6 AND RIGHTS.—A individual who is suspected of
7 being an unprivileged enemy belligerent shall not,
8 during interrogation under this subsection, be pro9
vided the statement required by Miranda v. Arizona
10 (384 U.S. 436 (1966)) or otherwise be informed of
11 any rights that the individual may or may not have
12 to counsel or to remain silent consistent with Mi13
randa v. Arizona.
14 (c) DETERMINATIONS OF STATUS.—
15 (1) PRELIMINARY DETERMINATION BY HIGH16
VALUE DETAINEE INTERROGATION GROUP.—The
17 high-value detainee interrogation group responsible
18 for interrogating a high-value detainee under sub19
section (b) shall make a preliminary determination
20 whether or not the detainee is an unprivileged enemy
21 belligerent. The interrogation group shall make such
22 determination based on the result of its interroga23
tion of the individual and on all intelligence informa24
tion available to the interrogation group. The inter25
rogation group shall, after consultation with the Di-
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
6
ARM10090 S.L.C.
1 rector of National Intelligence, the Director of the
2 Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Director of
3 the Central Intelligence Agency, submit such deter4
mination to the Secretary of Defense and the Attor5
ney General.
6 (2) FINAL DETERMINATION.—As soon as pos7
sible after receipt of a preliminary determination of
8 status with respect to a high-value detainee under
9 paragraph (1), the Secretary of Defense and the At10
torney General shall jointly submit to the President
11 and to the appropriate committees of Congress a
12 final determination whether or not the detainee is an
13 unprivileged enemy belligerent for purposes of this
14 Act. In the event of a disagreement between the Sec15
retary of Defense and the Attorney General, the
16 President shall make the final determination.
17 (3) DEADLINE FOR DETERMINATIONS.—All ac18
tions required regarding a high-value detainee under
19 this subsection shall, to the extent practicable, be
20 completed not later than 48 hours after the detainee
21 is placed in military custody under section 2.
22 (d) REGULATIONS.—
23 (1) IN GENERAL.—The operations and activities
24 of high-value detainee interrogation groups under
25 this section shall be governed by such regulations
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
7
ARM10090 S.L.C.
1 and guidance as the President shall establish for
2 purposes of implementing this section. The regula3
tions shall specify the officer or officers of the Exec4
utive Branch responsible for determining whether an
5 individual placed in military custody under section 2
6 meets the criteria for treatment as a high-value de7
tainee for purposes of interrogation and determina8
tion of status by a high-value interrogation group
9 under this section.
10 (2) CRITERIA FOR DESIGNATION OF INDIVID11
UALS AS HIGH-VALUE DETAINEES.—The regulations
12 required by this subsection shall include criteria for
13 designating an individual as a high-value detainee
14 based on the following:
15 (A) The potential threat the individual
16 poses for an attack on civilians or civilian facili17
ties within the United States or upon United
18 States citizens or United States civilian facili19
ties abroad at the time of capture or when com20
ing under the custody or control of the United
21 States.
22 (B) The potential threat the individual
23 poses to United States military personnel or
24 United States military facilities at the time of
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
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ARM10090 S.L.C.
1 capture or when coming under the custody or
2 control of the United States.
3 (C) The potential intelligence value of the
4 individual.
5 (D) Membership in al Qaeda or in a ter6
rorist group affiliated with al Qaeda.
7 (E) Such other matters as the President
8 considers appropriate.
9 (3) PARAMOUNT PURPOSE OF INTERROGA10
TIONS.—The regulations required by this subsection
11 shall provide that the paramount purpose of the in12
terrogation of high-value detainees under this Act
13 shall be the protection of United States civilians and
14 United States civilian facilities through thorough
15 and professional interrogation for intelligence pur16
poses.
17 (4) SUBMITTAL TO CONGRESS.—The President
18 shall submit the regulations and guidance required
19 by this subsection to the appropriate committees of
20 Congress not later than 60 days after the date of
21 the enactment of this Act.
22 SEC. 4. LIMITATION ON PROSECUTION OF ALIEN
23 UNPRIVILEGED ENEMY BELLIGERENTS.
24 (a) LIMITATION.—No funds appropriated or other25
wise made available to the Department of Justice may be
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ARM10090 S.L.C.
1 used to prosecute in an Article III court in the United
2 States, or in any territory or possession of the United
3 States, any alien who has been determined to be an
4 unprivileged enemy belligerent under section 3(c)(2).
5 (b) APPLICABILITY PENDING FINAL DETERMINA6
TION OF STATUS.—While a final determination on the sta7
tus of an alien high-value detainee is pending under sec8
tion 3(c)(2), the alien shall be treated as an unprivileged
9 enemy belligerent for purposes of subsection (a).
10 SEC. 5. DETENTION WITHOUT TRIAL OF UNPRIVILEGED
11 ENEMY BELLIGERENTS.
12 An individual, including a citizen of the United
13 States, determined to be an unprivileged enemy belligerent
14 under section 3(c)(2) in a manner which satisfies Article
15 5 of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of
16 Prisoners of War may be detained without criminal
17 charges and without trial for the duration of hostilities
18 against the United States or its coalition partners in which
19 the individual has engaged, or which the individual has
20 purposely and materially supported, consistent with the
21 law of war and any authorization for the use of military
22 force provided by Congress pertaining to such hostilities.
23 SEC. 6. DEFINITIONS.
24 In this Act:
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
10
ARM10090 S.L.C.
1 (1) ACT OF TERRORISM.—The term ‘‘act of ter2
rorism’’ means an act of terrorism as that term is
3 defined in section 101(16) of the Homeland Security
4 Act of 2002 (6 U.S.C. 101(16)).
5 (2) ALIEN.—The term ‘‘alien’’ means an indi6
vidual who is not a citizen of the United States.
7 (3) APPROPRIATE COMMITTEES OF CON8
GRESS.—The term ‘‘appropriate committees of Con9
gress’’ means—
10 (A) the Committee on Armed Services, the
11 Committee on Homeland Security and Govern12
mental Affairs, the Committee on the Judiciary,
13 and the Select Committee on Intelligence of the
14 Senate; and
15 (B) the Committee on Armed Services, the
16 Committee on Homeland Security, the Com17
mittee on the Judiciary, and the Permanent Se18
lect Committee on Intelligence of the House of
19 Representatives.
20 (4) ARTICLE III COURT.—The term ‘‘Article III
21 court’’ means a court of the United States estab22
lished under Article III of the Constitution of the
23 United States.
24 (5) COALITION PARTNER.—The term ‘‘coalition
25 partner’’, with respect to hostilities engaged in by
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
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ARM10090 S.L.C.
1 the United States, means any State or armed force
2 directly engaged along with the United States in
3 such hostilities or providing direct operational sup4
port to the United States in connection with such
5 hostilities.
6 (6) GENEVA CONVENTION RELATIVE TO THE
7 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR.—The term
8 ‘‘Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of
9 Prisoners of War’’ means the Geneva Convention
10 Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, done
11 at Geneva August 12, 1949 (6 UST 3316).
12 (7) HOSTILITIES.—The term ‘‘hostilities’’
13 means any conflict subject to the laws of war, and
14 includes a deliberate attack upon civilians and civil15
ian targets protected by the laws of war.
16 (8) PRIVILEGED BELLIGERENT.—The term
17 ‘‘privileged belligerent’’ means an individual belong18
ing to one of the eight categories enumerated in Ar19
ticle 4 of the Geneva Convention Relative to the
20 Treatment of Prisoners of War.
21 (9) UNPRIVILEGED ENEMY BELLIGERENT.—
22 The term ‘‘unprivileged enemy belligerent’’ means an
23 individual (other than a privileged belligerent) who—
24 (A) has engaged in hostilities against the
25 United States or its coalition partners;
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ARM10090 S.L.C.
1 (B) has purposely and materially sup2
ported hostilities against the United States or
3 its coalition partners; or
4 (C) was a part of al Qaeda at the time of
5 capture.
6 SEC. 7. EFFECTIVE DATE.
7 This Act shall take effect on the date of the enact8
ment of this Act, and shall apply with respect to individ9
uals who are captured or otherwise come into the custody
10 or under the effective control of the United States on or
11 after that date.
March 4, 2010 (12:06 p.m.)
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BELLIGERENT ENEMY to THE ENEMY BELLIGERENT ACT « Sovereignthink
2010/08/02 at 7:13 pm
On March 4, 2010, Sen. John McCain introduced S. 3081, The “Enemy Belligerent Interrogation, Detention, and Prosecution Act of 2010.”
Under S.3081, an “individual” need only be suspected of “suspicious activity” or “supporting hostilities” against U.S. Government to be dragged off and held indefinitely in U.S. Military Custody. Government will have the power to detain and interrogate any individual without probable cause. Government need only alleged an individual in detention, is an Unprivileged Enemy Belligerent. Definition for Unprivileged Enemy Belligerent: (Anyone Subject to a Military Commission)
At least under the Patriot Act, law enforcement generally needed probable cause to detain a person indefinitely. Passage of S.3081 could so curtail Citizens’ Constitutional rights against unlawful arrest, detention and interrogation without benefit of legal counsel and trial it might amount to fascism. According to S.3081 Government is not required to provide detained individuals in the U.S. Miranda Warnings or even an attorney.
Similar to fascist laws in other countries, S.3081 could frighten Americans from speaking out. S.3081 is so broadly written, it appears any “individual” who writes or verbally expresses an opinion against U.S. Government or its allies might potentially be detained on the basis he or she is an “unprivileged enemy belligerent” “supporting hostilities against the government.
FYI: below is enclosed a copy of “Hitler’s Discriminatory Decrees signed February 28, 1933.” Although the Nazi Decrees are written differently than S.3081 they bring America to the same place trashing free speech and personal liberty. Note how the Nazi Government similar to U.S. S.3081 has in Section (1) and (4) suspended personal liberty and shutdown Free Speech, to prevent Citizens speaking out against Government:
See Section 1
“Sections 114, 115, 117, 118, 123, 124, and 153 of the Constitution of the German Reich are suspended until further notice. Thus, restrictions on personal liberty, on the right of free expression of opinion, including freedom of the press, on the right of assembly and the right of association, and violations of the privacy of postal, telegraphic, and telephonic communications, and warrants for house-searches, orders for confiscations as well as restrictions on property, are also permissible beyond the legal limits otherwise prescribed.”
Similar to McCain’s S. 3081, but using different wording the Nazi Government in Section (4) see below, suspended Constitutional rights ordering the arrest of Citizens for any Act that might incite or provoke disobedience against state authorities. McCain’s S. 3081 instead mentions detaining and prosecuting Individuals for “supporting hostilities” against U.S. Government. S.3081 is so broadly written anti-war protestors might be arrested and detained just for attending demonstrations.
See Section 4
Whoever provokes, or appeals for or incites to the disobedience of the orders given out by the supreme state authorities or the authorities subject to then for the execution of this decree, or the orders given by the Reich Government according to Section 2, is punishable—insofar as the deed, is not covered by the decree with more severe punishment and with imprisonment of not less that one month, or with a fine from 150 up to 15,000 Reichsmarks.
Some members in the Obama Government appear bent on curtailing Citizens’ rights especially Free Speech and Opinions. In the run up to Sen. McCain’s introduced S. 3081, it was it was reported Top Obama Czar Cass Sunstein Proposed Infiltrating all ‘Conspiracy Theorists’ in a paper prepared in 2008—that apparently expressed: Government should infiltrate and spy on Americans, their groups and organizations to obstruct Free Speech, disrupt the exchange of ideas and disseminate false information to neutralize Americans that might question government. See news story: http://www.wnd.com/?pageId=121884
Also in 2008 perhaps coincidence: “The Violent Radicalization and Homegrown Terrorism Prevention Act”, was introduced by Rep. Jane Harman. The bill appeared to mirror a number of Czar Cass Sunstein’s spying proposals on lawful Citizens and interrupting groups without evidence of wrongdoing. Harman’s bill called for investigating and tracking Americans and groups that might be prone to supporting or committing violent acts of domestic terrorism. Harman’s bill had the potential of driving lawful political and other activists underground. Perhaps creating the domestic terrorists Bush II said Americans needed to be protected from. Rep. Harman’s “Violent Radicalization and Homegrown Terrorism Prevention Act” when closely examined, defined “homegrown terrorism” as “any planned act” that might use force to coerce U.S. Government or its people to promote or accomplish a “political or social objective.” No actual force need occur. Government would need only allege an individual or group thought about it. Rep. Harman’s bill was often called the “Thought Crime Bill.”
McCain’s S.3081 like Harman’s bill, mentions “non-violent acts” supporting terrorism in the U.S. and or emanating from America against a foreign government or “U.S. ally.” “Non-violent terrorist acts” are covered in the Patriot Act to prosecute Persons that support “coercion to influence a government or intimidation to affect a civilian population.” However U.S. activists and individuals under S.3081 would be much more vulnerable to prosecution, being (charged with suspicion) of “intentionally providing support to an Act of Terrorism”, for example American activists cannot control what other activists might do illegally they network with domestically and overseas. Under the Patriot Act, law enforcement generally need probable cause to detain or prosecute someone. But under S.3081, law enforcement and the military can too easily use “hearsay” or informants to allege “suspicious activity” to detain an individual. Since 9/11 federal government established across the nation a large number of Fusion Centers. Fusion Centers were originally established to improve the sharing of anti-terrorism intelligence among different state, local and federal law enforcement agencies. (But since expanded to pursue all crimes and hazards); considering that, it is problematic under S.3081 that detained individuals not involved in terrorism or hostile activities, not given Miranda Warnings or allowed legal counsel will be prosecuted for ordinary crimes because of their alleged admissions while in military custody.
Fusion Centers now pursue for analysis not just criminal and terrorist information, but any information that can be derived from police, public records and private sector data about Americans. Fusion Centers increasingly involve components of the U.S. Military in addition to other government entities to spy on Citizens. “The centers heavily rely on local “informants” for information that is shared with Local, State, and Federal police agencies.); historically it is foreseeable under S.3081 erroneous informant information will be used under S.3081 to detain innocent Individuals. Other governments have used lying informants to imprison their political opposition. Recently the Department of Homeland Security began sharing more classified Military information with local Fusion Centers, perhaps a mistake, not all local police kept secrets.
Fusion Centers circumvent Fourth Amendment Constitutional protections that prohibit illegal search and seizure, by taking advantage of ambiguous lines of authority to manipulate differences in federal, state and local laws to maximize information collection. Increasingly (private security companies and their operatives) work so closely with local/federal law enforcement and Fusion Centers—providing and exchanging information about Americans, they appear to merge with police. That is what happened in Germany during the 1930’s when a private-Gestapo merged its operations with German Federal Police. Subsequently Germany in 1939 placed all German Police agencies including the Gestapo under the control of the “Reich Main Security Office” the equivalent of U.S. Homeland Security. Notably, McCain’s S.3081 mandates merging Federal, State and local police and subsequently the U.S. Military to detain and hold Individuals in the U.S., even without probable cause. Interestingly a Rand Report prepared for the Army, recently made public, appears to suggest that U.S. Government develop a Local, State and Federal U.S. “National Police Stabilization Force merging State law enforcement with the Feds. What would happen to State Rights and what laws and Jurisdiction would be used to charge state Citizens arrested by a National Police Stabilization Force? A National Police Force could potentially be sent by the President into any State with the approval of its governor, against the wishes of its Citizens? To clarify the Rand Corporation report visit:
http://www.wnd.com/index.php?fa=PAGE.view&pageId=122533
It should be expected S.3081 will utilize an individual’s phone calls and email to allege without probable cause “suspicious activity” in order to detain an individual. It does not appear U.S. Government has slowed down wiretapping Citizens’ electronic communications. Just recently Pres. Obama’s signed Executive Order EO 12425 that put INTERPOL above the United States Constitution. Obama’s Executive Order authorized INTERPOL to act within the United States without being subject to 4th Amendment Search and Seizure laws. It would appear INTERPOL may now tap American phones and emails without a warrant. And that U.S. Police can use INTERPOL to circumvent the Fourth Amendment to arrest Americans and or forfeit their property by bringing INTERPOL into a criminal or civil investigation. Government can too easily take an innocent person’s hastily written email, fax or phone call out of context to allege a crime or violation was committed to cause an arrest or Civil asset forfeiture.
DECREE OF THE REICH PRESIDENT FOR THE PROTECTION OF
THE PEOPLE AND STATE
Note: Based on translations by State Department, National Socialism, 1942 PP. 215-17, and Pollak, J.K., and Heneman, H.J., The Hitler Decrees, (1934), pp. 10-11.7
In virtue of Section 48 (2) of the German Constitution, the following is decreed as a defensive measure against Communist acts of Violence, endangering the state:
Section 1
Sections 114, 115, 117, 118, 123, 124, and 153 of the Constitution of the German Reich are suspended until further notice. Thus, restrictions on personal liberty, on the right of free expression of opinion, including freedom of the press, on the right of assembly and the right of association, and violations of the privacy of postal, telegraphic, and telephonic communications, and warrants for house-searches, orders for confiscations as well as restrictions on property, are also permissible beyond the legal limits otherwise prescribed.
Section 2
If in a state the measures necessary for the restoration of public security and order are not taken, the Reich Government may temporarily take over the powers of the highest state authority.
Section 4
Whoever provokes, or appeals for or incites to the disobedience of the orders given out by the supreme state authorities or the authorities subject to then for the execution of this decree, or the orders given by the Reich Government according to Section 2, is punishable—insofar as the deed, is not covered by the decree with more severe punishment and with imprisonment of not less that one month, or with a fine from 150 up to 15,000 Reichsmarks.
Who ever endangers human life by violating Section 1, is to be punished by sentence to a penitentiary, under mitigating circumstances with imprisonment of not less than six months and, when violation causes the death of a person, with death, under mitigating circumstances with a penitentiary sentence of not less that two years. In addition the sentence my include confiscation of property.
Whoever provokes an inciter to or act contrary to public welfare is to be punished with a penitentiary sentence, under mitigating circumstances, with imprisonment of not less than three months.
Section 5
The crimes which under the Criminal Code are punishable with penitentiary for life are to be punished with death: i.e., in Sections 81 (high treason), 229 (poisoning), 306 (arson), 311 (explosion), 312 (floods), 315, paragraph 2 (damage to railroad properties, 324 (general poisoning).
Insofar as a more severe punishment has not been previously provided for, the following are punishable with death or with life imprisonment or with imprisonment not to exceed 15 years:
1. Anyone who undertakes to kill the Reich President or a member or a commissioner of the Reich Government or of a state government, or provokes to such a killing, or agrees to commit it, or accepts such an offer, or conspires with another for such a murder;
2. Anyone who under Section 115 (2) of the Criminal Code (serious rioting) or of Section 125 (2) of the Criminal Code (serious disturbance of the peace) commits the act with arms or cooperates consciously and intentionally with an armed person;
3. Anyone who commits a kidnapping under Section 239 of the Criminal with the intention of making use of the kidnapped person as a hostage in the political struggle.
Section 6
This decree enters in force on the day of its promulgation.
Reich President
Reich Chancellor
Reich Minister of the Interior
Reich Minister of Justice
Ross Wolf
2010/03/15 at 4:07 am